With
that as background, "the metaphorical separation of church and State
originated in an effort to protect religion from the State, not the State from
religion."[i]
By inverting the intent of the amendment, it seems that the courts have made it
possible for the State to regulate Christianity in a way the amendment was
determined to prohibit.
Following
the Supreme Court ban on prayer in the schools, emboldened secularists have
waged a campaign to remove Christian expression from all official public forums.
However, it has not ended there. Those who might want to include
Judeo-Christian values as being evidence in public policy are most often
dismissed as being irrelevant at best or dangerous at worst.
The consistent message of modern American society is that whenever
the demands of one's religion conflict with what one has to do to get ahead,
one is expected to ignore the religious demands and act ... well ...
rationally.[ii]
Having
lived for eight years in West Berlin, I had the opportunity to observe the
position of the East German government on religious liberty. In that society,
freedom of religion was guaranteed to all citizens. However, it was against the
law for citizens to give voice to their beliefs outside of their homes or their
congregation. Likewise, the exercise of one's freedom to be religious, even
within those parameters, did not mean that there would not be a
social/political price to pay. Such individuals would be shunned, could be
denied access to higher education, good jobs or promotion at work, travel
privileges, and more. In certain instances, treatment of those who practice
their faith openly in America seems to be moving in that direction. Stephen
Carter has written, "You are free to believe as you like, but, for
goodness sake, don't act on it."[iii]
We
are also living in a cultural complexity in which many religious traditions
have a stake in religious freedom. The question is, to what extent their rights
to express their traditions are protected, and to what extent they can bring
their beliefs into the public square for discussion. For example, does Sharia
Law have the same right to be considered in the discussion over public policy
as Judeo-Christian beliefs? If not, does the constitution allow for that
religious prohibition?
If
this is the condition of the State vs. religion debate, then new rules need to
be established that allow for non-prejudicial dialogue. To commemorate the
bi-centennial signing of the United States Constitution, the Brookings
Institution convened a diverse group of religious leaders. Leaders from the
Christian, Jewish, Muslim, and secularist traditions met to contemplate how,
within the Constitution, religious dialogue might be structured. The result of
their work, over several years, was published as a book, Williamsburg
Charter. Central to their deliberations were the "three R’s of
religious liberty in a pluralistic society: rights, responsibilities, and
respect".[iv]
This troika of trust is spelled out in the Charter itself. Those who claim the
right:
1. to dissent should assume the responsibility
to debate.
2. to criticize should assume the
responsibility to comprehend.
3. to influence should accept the
responsibility not to inflame.
4. to participate should accept the
responsibility to persuade.[v]
The
product of listening and persuasion within a climate of respect will go a long
way in recapturing responsibility in the framework of freedom. Such an endeavor
is more likely to spawn a productive dialogue, than a divisive confrontation. Most churches are ministering in communities where an increasing percentage of people are not positively disposed toward the Church or the gospel. Just a few musings…
What role does the Church have in this kind of context?
How will your church meet this challenge to the continued viability of the gospel?
[i]
Carter,
Stephen L. The Culture of Disbelief: How Americans Law and Politics
Trivialize Religious Devotion. New York: Basic Books, 1993, p. 105.
[ii] Ibid. p. 13..
[iii] Ibid., p. 130.
[iv] Brookings
Institute. "The Williamsburg Charter." Articles of Faith, Articles
of Peace: The Religious Liberty Clauses and the American Public Philosophy.
Ed. James Edison Hunter and Os Guiness. Washington, DC: The Brookings
Institute, 1990, p. 11.
[v] Ibid, pp.
141-143.
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